According to reports, during the most difficult period of the Sino-US trade war, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) considered the use of viral weapons to disrupt the United States.
The Soviet Party fell apart because no one had the balls to keep it together.
Xi Jinping, to CCP leaders in 2012
President Donald Trump’s push-back against China’s exploitive trade practices from 2017-2019 was not acceptable to Beijing. Trump upset China’s play for economic dominance. Look what followed: — a global pandemic out of China, lockdowns of citizens, an experimental vaccine pushed on hundreds of millions of people, Western markets crashing, countries paralyzed with fear, massive economic dislocations, banks ready to fail, free societies turning to government controls, medical “martial law,” and a Russian invasion of Ukraine. All these events must be seen in context, as part of a sequence. It is a sequence best understood with reference to the defector literature (and testimony) of Anatoliy Golitsyn, Jan Sejna, Viktor Suvorov, and Stanislav Lunev. The main point of these authors is that Russia did not undergo a fundamental change after the fall of the Soviet Union. Golitsyn and Sejna refered to a “long range” communist bloc plan for collapsing the Warsaw Pact. Golitsyn, as well as Lunev, said that Russia and China were in a solid, long-term alliance that was kept hidden from the West. At some future date, the plan was, that Russia and China would confront the West. And that is what is happening now.
If Yugoslavia was an example of an army let loose after the collapse of a communist regime, the Soviet Union exemplified a disintegrating police state. The type of anarchy that follows from these two scenarios is different. Instead of open civil war as in Yugoslavia, in Russia the civil war is covert.Wisła Suraska
The brilliance of Wisła Suraska’s book, How the Soviet Union Disappeared, and the brilliance of Anatoliy Golitsyn’s book, New Lies for Old, leave us with two equally important yet incompatible accounts of Soviet collapse. Suraska’s sociological approach, with its deep political science and insights into the weaknesses of the Soviet system, serve as an indispensable guide. At the same time, Golitsyn’s understanding of Soviet counterintelligence, with its controlled opposition and extensive agents networks, helps to explain why the Evil Empire continues under V. Putin.
It is symptomatic that in the history of postcommunist societies the greatest political and journalistic hatchet jobs were against those who had doubts about granting the communists first immunity, then privileges. Professor Ryszard Legutko
On the Fourth of July I received best wishes from a Romanian friend, Dr. Anca Maria Cernea. I could not help asking what Romanians were saying about the ongoing assault on America’s national symbols — the toppling of statues, the burning of flags (not to mention the pillaging and burning of stores, the defunding of police departments and rising crime in cities like Chicago and New York).
The people who brought Vladimir Putin from St. Petersburg to Moscow never cared about his credentials as a specialist in developing business. For them he was an expert in controlling business. All the time Putin worked in St. Petersburg, he played an official role as deputy mayor and chairman of the Committee [for Foreign Liaison], but, behind the scenes Mr. Putin operated in his most important identity — the Case Officer. In St. Petersburg, Vladimir Putin was an ‘operative.’ Businessmen were not partners but targets.Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy
Mr. Putin: Operative
in the Kremlin, p. 166
Most people, including journalists and political leaders have the wrong idea about the “fall of the Soviet Union” and the changes in Russia. They also have the wrong idea about China.
Many will not believe the truth. But here it is: The ruling clique in Russia is not nationalist. Real nationalist groups are persecuted in Russia. The leading political parties of the country are led by apparatchiks; that is to say, by “Soviet” persons.
A famous KGB defector once suggested that Russia’s political parties are mere branches of the Communist Party, separated into sub-units to give the appearance of a democracy. If a truly independent party appeared in Russia the communists and their friends (who still control state security) would quickly infiltrate and take possession of it.
What we see today in Russia is a classic Soviet-style deception. The proof of this deception may be found in Putin’s pro-Communist speech at the World Festival of Youth and Students in 2017, held in Sochi. Putin plainly stated his support for the young communists, saying they represent the future and he is behind them.